ETHNICITY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CARIBBEAN IDENTITY  IN VIRGIN ISLANDS CULTURE

(SH, C-U)

Alcess Lewis-Brown

[N.B.: No footnotes have been found.]

PART I

For very obvious reasons, the concept of ethnicity is an abiding pivot point of interest for all Caribbean island societies. This concept is treated much the same way that a science teacher might treat a certain exotic microscopic entity; such that, all sectors of the community probe and comment on the many features of ethnicity. Some offer their theories about specific racial origins and cultures within the society. Others, looking for self- qualifiers, earnestly search for the "gold" of certain foreign parts trapped in their specific nucleus.

For Virgin Islands society, these parts are the -people of African descents from along the Caribbean chain, the French, Hispanic, Jews, Danes, and other Europeans and their descendants, as well as the more recent "Arabs" and East Indians residing in the society. Attempts at culturally classifying this society and its people must be done with some degree of trepidation. However, because despite the fact that the islands are so richly researched by tourism experts, national demographers, culture specialists, journalists, etc., there is a certain type of understanding that must be part of this research. To begin with, the culture of the islands is, ethnically too black to be purely European, too North American to be simply another set of islands in the Caribbean, too North European and African to be simply African or Latin.; too modern to be primitive, too "overdeveloped" to be underdeveloped; too unique to be considered the same as any other Caribbean island; too similar to other Caribbean islands not to fit in as another piece in the big Caribbean puzzle.

This struggle to find a comfortable ethnic and cultural classifier is not new, however, especially if we consider that, according to African anthropologists, there is "little agreement among African experts about how the various peoples of Africa should be classified." So, we ask ourselves, where does it all end, or for that matter, where does it all begin.

Also, there is even one hypothesis circulating, as a follow-up to the work of anthropologist Professor Leaky, of "mankind's monogenetic and African origin." So, as passionately as we coddle the ethnicity issue, it is sufficient to say that the variants on this issue are diverse.

Society's focus on the variants on the ethnicity phenomena can be traced all the way back to the exploits in the beds and back rooms of the African-dominated plantation societies. Historical records show that, ". . . slaves remained the majority, a position they held almost from the outset of each island's exploitation." However, despite the common denominator of a dark-skinned African majority, skin color as well as degree of specific ethnicity -- measured in such terms as mulatto, quadroon, etc., was a major concern for all of the players in the plantation society. Even in the bitter aftertaste of slavery, in its rawest and most conspicuous forms had disappeared, this remained an, often times, biting issue.

On the road from emancipation to self-actualization, skin color was, and perhaps still is, in a feeble way, like a road sign. The darker you were, the closer you were to slavery; the lighter you were the further away. Money, though, has been the great equalizer, so sometimes, it was used as a deciding factor in determining how close one was to slavery.

Therefore, grudgingly, and for the sake of development, room was made at the table for the darker brother, with money. Then, later on, room was made for the darker brother with education and so on. Thus, face to face, ethnicity and development viewed each other like the cat and the mouse, switching roles as necessary on the cue of the question, should I prey or play?

Early in the 19th Century, black consciousness rose like smoke from from smoldering coal. The ethnic value of African-ness became a welcome spark of light. This consciousness was greatly stimulated by community activism, and other leaders, as well as negritude writers, who made it a point to glorify the African and his African way of life in their works. Despite the fact that most of these intellectuals and free thinkers operated outside the mainstream, they served to undermine some of the most crippling post colonial attitudes; espcially since the most pervasive themes dealt with in the negritude genre is the need for ethnic validity, as well as for self-determination-- intellectually and economically among colonial and post colonial peoples.

Virgin Islander, writer/historian J. Antonio Jarvis didn't exactly glorify his people in his works, but instead his seemingly harsh, historical exposé made him very unpopular among them. Perhaps, the problem that he faced is the problem of most free thinkers in small societies, in which new and relevant ideas are either ignored or equated with 'subversion'. Whichever way, Jarvis' plight is perceived, it would be fair to say that Jarvis dealt pointedly with these themes, as they related to the Virgin Islands, to the extent that some of his points, stuck like a kasha in many sensitive local hides both home and abroad.

Rothschild Francis, and other Virgin Islands political activist, were also pumping up local pride, self confidence, and political awareness with their political and social commentaries. Marcus Garvey of Jamaica is considered to be another trail blazer in this genre. Fernando Ortiz of Cuba also explored African-American themes in his analysis of Cuban culture and economy. Luis Pale Matos of Puerto Rico also turned his attention to African culture for his inspiration.

In the early trickle of black consciousness, facsimile institutions were established to structure Caribbean societies. It was just about the same for most islands in the colonial network. The key institutions targeted for structure were school systems, churches, and of course the ad hoc political machinery, which could be led by anyone from a naval commander to some fly-in-by-night personage who had been given a safe haven to relax and retire. Their attitude to the population that was inadvertently thrust upon them was an indictment of freedom.

Their ill-preparedness for dealing with the emerging process of Caribbean race relations was seen in the attitude of some of these transient leaders. One example of this situation is the U.S. Virgin Islands under navy rule, where officers had oversight and authority to rule. "There should be full recognition of the fact," wrote Major General McIntyre, in an argument against civilian rule, "...that in assigning small islands for supervision it is proper to keep in mind the specific object for which they were acquired. An island or a small group of islands acquired primarily for naval purposes does not differ greatly from a war vessel or a fleet at anchor."

Perhaps because of the tourist economy, that assessment still seems to haunt some of the Virgin Isands'

relations with outside observers and casual visitors, from the larger world, for, in some instances, the islands are viewed as vessels of pleasure anchored for fun in the dapple and lazy loll of the Caribbean sea, and in the opinion of some, local concerns and personalities are equal to this balm. Further, realistic cerebral concerns are expected to be set aside, and what's more, cannot be found to any great extent in such a place-- to facilitate someone's elses fun in the sun, the Caribbean man must remain the perpetual limbo dancer or moko jumbi.

But we must force those who stand in assessment and judgment of the Caribbean man to elevate those cultural mainstays to the appropriate level and compartment of the Caribbean culture.

In this regard, not only the Virgin Islands, but the rest of the Caribbean has been a spectacle for the modern world. The lust for sun and fun from the outside world has given stiff competition to a realistic Caribbean identity.

However, it is the best and worst of times for Caribbean peoples-- including Virgin Islanders. Because, despite the contemporary problems endemic to our societies, there is a resurgence of self-awareness at all levels of the society, which might be part of the prescription for our plans and goals as we forge this new ethnic personality.

As Dr. Eric Williams so eloquently stated for the Caribbean "Given its past history, the future of the Caribbean can only be meaningfully discussed in terms of the possibilities for the emergence of an identity for the region and its peoples. The whole history of the Caribbean, so far can be viewed as a conspiracy to block the emergence of a Caribbean identity in politics, in institutions, in economics, in culture and in values."

This conspiracy has not gone unnoticed by segments of the Virgin Islands community; even though other Caribbean islands have led the most recent marches in the challenges against it. In fact, it has been the subject of much discussion over the last several years. An issue that has jogged the minds of territorial educators is the relationship between local education and Virgin Islands culture.

The debate on this issue came to its first head with the local government's decision to request a "federal money grant under the terms of the Higher Education Act of 1965 for the purpose of promoting the study of local history, civics, and geography in the instructional program of the local schools." Specifically, the public schools, because, generally, from my experience of being a part of the Virgin Islands private school system from kindergarten, private schools made no attempt to educate students about Virgin Islands history. This history was touched on in regards to its "limited" relationship to the struggles of Europe.

So, even though Project Introspection was set up by the Virgin Islands Department of Education, it didn't ripple in some quarters of the educational system. The project was approved in 1967, and up to 1972 when I was graduated from St. Peter and Paul High School, the fact that much of the celebrated beauty of European infrastructure was made possible from the wealth that poured into European coffers from the sweat of African brows on the Caribbean sugar estates, was not even important enough to be given significance in the standard world history class.

Much of what was learned about Caribbean history, was handed down through discussions with the older members of our society and from comments and sometimes off-hand discussions with grandparents and parents. In one of those off-hand moments of discussion with my mother, I recall her statements about her visit to England as a young woman. "When I left Antigua to visit England," she said, "I didn't take on the English people with their 'nuffness'. They lived in all of their luxury because of the blood, sweat and tears of my people. Their wealth didn't frighten me."

The application to the federal office of education to fund the project mentioned earlier, was a statement that jacked up the issues of national pride and cultural identity that characterized the social debate in every colonial and ex-colonial Caribbean society.

Even with the social debates that went on in the Caribbean during that time, the economic, social and political development of the region was atrophied by a plethora of by-product distractions. They rose to confront Caribbean peoples as they moved through the landscape of history. History reveals in an interesting way the evolution of the Out-of-Africa man as he came through the "rites of passage" in the Caribbean. If we dip back in Caribbean history for a moment, we might shine our historical flashlight on island connections through the saga of plantation life.

It is no secret that slaves escaped from one island to the other in search of kinder treatment or freedom. Virgin Islands slaves ran to Tortola and other British islands, when freedom was granted in those islands in 1834. Before that, slaves steadily escaped to Puerto Rico and Vieques, and any other island where they saw an opportunity for marronage or freedom. Issues of birth were never a factor then. Freedom was the password.

With the advent of World War I, the depression in the United States and World War II, there was a mass exodus of Caribbean peoples to just about anywhere they could find work to sustain self and family. Many Virgin Islanders along with other Caribbean people fled to Santo Domingo in search of work and a quick dollar. Earlier, the Panama Canal Zone was another point of gathering for Caribbean people.

Many of the people who traveled to these places were swallowed up in the battle for survival and never returned to their waiting families. Unlike the escape during slavery, this voluntary decision to seek work, presupposed an eventual, voluntary return or reunion; however, the wait for many families spanned generations. Recent success stories of families united in a second or third generation is now common. This whole issue is a big subject for contemporary Caribbean writers.

The exodus out of the Virgin Islands slowed considerably during the Paiewonsky era, when the Virgin Islands opened up to tourism, broad based government employment and the comfort zone of an American economy. Other Caribbean islanders fled their homeland for opportunities available under the American flag. Out of this, new issues of quasi-slavery and freedom became a reality for those who lived in the Virgin Islands on a bond.

There are many alien stories told privately about this time in Virgin Islands history. For all of the parties that were caught in this vicious web, however, these stories opened old scars. In fact, they cause such discomfort, that both natives and aliens alike would rather not talk about those times. To many, these stories are best brushed aside, like dust under the historical carpet--forced away like a bad dream.

One story that is at once horrifying and fascinating is the story told of the man who tried to enter the Virgin Islands through Puerto Rico. A late night flight through Puerto Rico had a reputation for being easy. By that time, the Immigration were tired and they didn't bother to check passengers too closely. They just waved them on hurriedly. Once immigration authorities checked passengers in San Juan, there was no checking again in St. Thomas. The catch to this, though, was that if you were light skinned, you were almost assured a wave on.

The story is told that this man was very black. So, it is alleged that he didn't want to take chances with not being waved in as a Puerto Rican. Therefore, upon his arrival into Puerto Rico, he arranged to be stowed away in a cargo box in the hold of a BWIA airplane. Apparently, as the airplane readied to land the bags shifted in the cargo hold, and his ribs were inadvertently crushed. He arrived dead on delivery at Harry S. Truman Airport. The word spread like wild bees through the community. At the airport, all of the people of the island where he was allegedly from recognized his body. In their minds, the baggage handlers, the bell boys, the tax drivers, silently acknowledged their country-man as his body lay motionless in the baggage claim area. They were seemingly too afraid of immigration reprisals to acknowledge their country man's body. It is said that even his mother didn't acknowledge his body.

There is another story told about a young man who worked with a local construction company, who wore a Charlotte Amalie High School uniform to work each day. He calculated this whole charade so that his entire outfit, included books and school bag. You see, the story goes that he had been told by many people that he resembled the Ottleys, a prominent local family, so much so that even local immigration officials mistook him for a member of this Ottley family. He used this well established resemblance to his advantage. If ever an immigration raid was conducted while he was on the job- site, it never failed, one of the local immigration officers might say to him, "Boy, why are you hanging out with these aliens. You father know where you is?" Then, he would incline his head, shade his gaze and politely pick up his school bag and leave.

Other stories are not quite as humorous. In fact, some cast a smear on the integrity of the officials who held prominent governmental positions.

One such story is about the immigration officer, and I will not call any names, who enlisted the services of alien craftsmen to build his home, in exchange for negligible wages and of course additional time on their passports. After the huge house was built, it is said that the officer called for a round-up of these craftsmen and deported them -- without paying them money owed to them for their labor on his house. The story goes further, that this immigration officer was never able to live in that house in peace. There were rumors that his house would sporadically catch on fire, or that the fire would subside just as the fire truck approached the house, so that the firemen grew tired of responding to this seemingly playful plea for help. Also, this man is alleged to have reported that a barrage of stones assaulted his house roof, but only he heard these stones.

Being born in Antigua, myself, I can recall as far back as age five, the once-a-year mandatory trips on the Empress sailing vessel from St. Thomas to Tortola. It was a slow, noisy, hot, unending, miserable voyage to satisfy the immigration laws that all aliens had to leave the island once each year to renew their "bond" or "bondage", whichever word one would care to use. Weary and pained from the return trip, one was required to line up in the sun or perhaps the rain, while an immigration officer snared out, at his human cargo, from behind his wire framed glasses. I am sure that, for many children, after they became aware of African history, this has had to haunt them in a "middle passage" kind of way.

These kinds issues planted themselves like a cancer that was rooted front and center in Virgin Islands society. So, as economical development prepared to round the corner of Virgin Islands History, human and social development stepped into another quarter.

Today, as we look at this situation with a lot more understanding, we can trace the historical pattern that had all of the players trapped in this sticky web, because right before our very eyes, the cycle begins again. As the old immigrants assimilated and settled in, a new set came, giving the children and grandchildren of the "old" ones license to be prejudiced and perhaps even oppressive against newcomers.

The new set of Caribbean immigrants feeling the brunt of oppression today are the Haitians and the members of the Dominican Republic of old Hispaniola. The members of the First Black Republic in the region are now the last at the regional super table.They seemed to have come near the end of the meal and so most times, are uninvited.

 

PART II

Under the protection of the U.S. umbrella, the Virgin Islands became the Mecca of the Caribbean, an elite core of islands offering opportunities to its now less fortunate neighbors. Thus, the term native became somewhat racists - but economics and politics shaped the nuances of that perception and thus created many cultural subgroups. Each group came with its own cultural legacy and established traditions.

These established cultural traditions not only fed off of each other, but they were also stimulated by each other and brought about a natural response. The areas of stimulation and response remain, our food, our music, elements of mysticism and our creative genius as a whole.

As with any other great culture, these are basic potent elements that melt, mold, fuse and define culture. No matter how far down the Caribbean chain we travel, food among people of African descent bears a striking similarity in type taste and mode of preparation.

No matter what circumstances might impel us to squirm away from each other, even if it's grudgingly, we have no choice, but to acknowledge each other's artistic and creative genius. As a result, we freely borrow from and enhance each other's display of talent.

Ethnicity is not an issue when we consider that Crucian folk hero, Queen Mary, the Fireburn Queen of 1878, was born in Antigua. She is no less a hero because of that. Virgin Islanders still regale her for her historical contributions.

The subject of ethnicity is not an issue when we are "playing mass" in the streets. The Jouvert tramp and the annual carnival parades, attract all strata of the population now. Even levels that upheld the European view of dancing in the streets and otherwise as, ". . . free forming improvisatory style, that contrasted sharply with the prescribed European measures . . . Dancing was something 'well educated' people learned and performed, on the other hand the 'dances of negroes are of one sort; turning and moving about." We have evolved from the "mass of night gown troop with biscuit pan, quatro, squash, ukulele and iron band of the Easter and Christmas fete of long ago"9 in****to a highly organized, modern and sophisticated festival or carnival in new grafts of sound and color, yet we notice striking similarities to the South American and Trinidadian mode of celebration that is popular all over the Caribbean.

We can't deny that the steel band music of Trinidad is now a celebrated Virgin Islands cultural tradition. Nor can we deny that reggae music of Jamaica is without question a trademark for cultural music.

And, in St. Thomas, when a certain "sophisiticat" can tell you that the reason a certain incident happened to someone is because it is alleged that "somebody put on their hand," not withstanding a first-class college education, you understand, amused but not amazed, exactly what the person means. It is not a laughing matter that after over three hundred years out of Africa, the mystique of ancient Africa is fresh an alive in unthinkable places. This is no secret in Haiti, because Haitians openly tout this mysticism that we call obeah; however, it exist in the darkness of silence here in just about all Caribbean societies.

It is clear the, that at the core of our cross cultural interaction, there is a picture of human nature, a map of the universe, and a version of Caribbean history.

I submit that these are the things we will all be remembered for. The many great cultures of the world are remembered for their intellectual and spiritual contribution to humanity. The Greeks are remembered most for their philosophers, and their mythology and their art.

The Egyptians are remembered for their creative genius in the sciences and engineering revealed in their pyramids and great still with mummification. The Chinese are still associated with enchanting gardens. Rome is a city whose name evokes thoughts of major artistic and intellectual achievement. Its ruins stand as a memorial to the creative imagination of the past. The various cultures of Europe also boast many contributions to the enrichment of humankind. The Dutch share among other things, Rembrandt, their creative and influential artist, whose work has been a source of inspiration for many generations of artists universally. His personal life was fraught with not too pleasant melee, as we would say locally, but he is most remembered for his contributions through the arts to humankind. The battles of the world are mentioned as a matter of course, but those cultures with the ability to impact humanity withstand the test of time.

In the Caribbean, even our language doesn't necessarily bind us, because from the outset, Caribbean peoples were transported from various parts of Africa. Each tribe brought its own language, in order to facilitate a common means for communicating with each other a graft occurred between the language of the tribe and language of the colonizer. This graft spawned the enchanting rhythms of the Caribbean tongue and if you know anything about Africa, you know that there were many variations of this graft, since in "only three or four of the forty-two countries of Africa do most of the people speak the same language."10 Hold over words from some of these African languages have been incorporated into the various cultural languages of Caribbean societies.

Although language does not capsule culture and therefore, proposes no built in obstacles to the communication of cultural significance, the notion of difference, of a point of departure between cultural realities, is an issue. We have only to look at how close knit Hispanic communities are on St. Croix or how the French people, on St. Thomas have stayed together in their own communities. The notion of difference have been the stimuli for many battles within this community, silent or stated.

Our intrinsic battle with each other rest like a huge boulder, on axioms blessed by time. Axioms that, in many instances, are no longer relevant or healthy. The feuds between Christiansted and Frederiksted, are well known. There is no secret about the long standing feud between St. Thomas and St. Croix either. It is not unlike the feuds that lead to the secession of Anguilla from St. Kitts and Nevis, nor the scuttle between Antigua and Barbuda or the two St. Martins, sharing one island mass. Further away from our shores, we want to close our eyes and perhaps even, stick our fingers in our ears when the media presents the struggles presently going on in places like South Africa, Bosnia and Sarajevo.

Domination rarely breeds anything wholesome. Some say that a history of United States domination has crippled Virgin Islands self confidence and has caused this society to be fragmented, but that is an issue that can be made against many other Caribbean countries.

There has been debilitating consequences which we continue to examine over and over again. With good reason, we could look at the historical precedence for independence in the Caribbean and as we begin to discuss political status, there are lost of examples to draw from, starting with The First Black Republic in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti.

The experience of Haiti's plight, on its own, is a constant reminder to other non-independent and fragile independent Caribbean nations. When St. Domingue chose voluntarily in 1860 to return to Spanish control, it was a determination to opt for continuity, for a relationship that they had come to identify with, as well as to rid themselves of Haitian domination. This was the region's first incident to the voluntary return to colonialism; however, this side of Hispaniola is on its own again and living in straitened conditions.

In the British Caribbean, England practically threw out her colonies in the proverbial bath water, their political independence didn't preclude them from economic stagnation, poorly developed infrastructure, lack of fiscal self confidence. In some instance, some islands developed a reputation for corruption. As someone once said, "No one will ever know how tall you are until you are asked to stand." However, a statement can be made that no matter how tall we stand, even as the opportunities present themselves to us for self determination we can be our own worst enemies.

No matter how one views the Virgin Islands condition, one must admit that a vicarious cycle exist. This, perhaps, is due in part to the fact that we live in an import society, which naturally harbors a certain degree of psychological dependence on the societies from which we import. Then as a natural consequence, a great proportion of dependence reduces local self confidence, stymies personal development and as we well know, sets us up for the control of a handful of people and confusion among the ranks.

So, it no wonder that many of the problems of the sixties are revisiting us like a ghost on crack. If we choose one year in the sixties, and compare it to 1993, it would be as though the saying 'the more things change is the more they remain the same' was coined to fit that comparison.

Let us use 1969, if you will, because that year is a good catalog of the action in the Caribbean. If we pay close attention, we will note that much of the concerns of rest of the Caribbean creates a mosaic that includes the Virgin Islands; even though, because of the economic reasons, for a long time, the notion of being a part of the rest of the Caribbean was disdainful for many Virgin Islanders.

The chronicle of 1969 includes, "The British invasion of Anguilla resulting from its secession; anti-police rioting in Montserrat; serious labor disturbances in Curacao; political crises in Surinam; chronic labor unrest in Antigua; endemic racial tension in Jamaica; political turmoil in Guyana; the disturbances caused by the independence movement in Guadeloupe; the unpopular dictatorship in Haiti, the uncertainties of the democratic movement in the Dominican Republic; the United States blockade of Cuba; and the Castro Support for Latin American Guerrillas."11 The turbulence within Democratic machinery in the Virgin Islands also reached boiling point around 1969.

In 1969, the troubles of the region were closer to each island than we care to say. There were not only economic troubles for some, but there were, also cultural and institutional troubles. We've made many strides since 1969, but in 1993 our concerns have just changed clothes.

What is the answer now? This is perhaps the question one would ask. I submit that as a people we should capitalize on our differences and make them work for us. None of the original Africans or Europeans, for that matter, are among us anyone. We are the new-vogue synergistic Caribbean person. So, the only task how, is harnessing the creative energies of this new ethnic personality.

 

 

PART I QUESTIONS:

1. What words are used by the writer at the outset suggest that ethnicity in some way relates to the segmenting of a community?

2. The writer acknowledges the quantity of research that has been done with a view to classifying the islands culturally while expressing a reservation that hints at insufficient quality. What is that concern?

3. Would you say that the main problem in classifying Virgin Islands culture, according to Ms. Lewis-Brown is its great similarity to or its great difference from other regional cultures?

4. Does the writer suggest that among Blacks, skin color further skewers ethnicity? Explain!

5. How does wealth interface with skin color in drawing ethnic boundaries, according to Lewis-Brown?

6. How is the cat-and-mouse metaphor applied to the inter-relationship of ethnic standing and privilege in the West Indies?

7. In this article are Black intellectuals and writers of the early 20th century viewed as being aloof and indifferent to the race issue or involved and activist?

8. Does the statement on Jarvis here confirm or negate what your other readings on this Virgin Islands intellectual have revealed to you?

9. Rothschild Francis is mentioned as an activist for Virgin Islands rights in the same paragraph as Marcus Garvey. Are you able to identify at least one Virgin Islander whose significance and prominence at an international level merits the title of precursor and even mentor of Garvey? Locally, was there a leader on St. Croix who could be considered a counterpart and cohort of Francis as a freedom fighter?

10. How does Lewis-Brown characterize the average naval administrator of the Virgin Islands in the period following the American purchase?

11. When Lewis-Brown mentions a view of the Virgin Islands as "vessels of pleasure" is the word vessel employed strictly in its maritime sense, or are there social and other connotations? Explain!

12. What do you understand by the word "balm" in the present context?

13. What is this conspiracy that "has not gone unnoticed by segments of the V.I. community" that Lewis-Brown refers to?

14. What problems would the federal moneys sought via the Higher Education Act of 1965 be used to alleviate?

15. According to the writer's experience, were the private and parochial schools as attentive in their curriculum to matters of race and ethnicity as the public ones?

16. What did the writer's mother mean when she alluded to the English people with their "nuffness"? Can you think of a local expression in the Virgin Islands with the same meaning?

17. Using our flashlight to see into the hidden recesses of our history, as Lewis-Brown suggests we might do, what important fact are we bound to discover about our islands populations?

18. What collective adventure of Caribbean people is viewed by Lewis-Brown as a major subject of Caribbean writers of our times?

19. What is the writer referring to when she speaks of "alien" stories?

20. In the tragic case of the stowaway, one might say that given certain realities "the man had two strikes against him from the get go!" Could you explain such a view of his predicament?

21. The story of the immigration officer and the uninhabitable house is well known on St. Thomas. How does it relate to the spirituality mentioned by the author in the opening pages of this article?

22. How does the author invoke the terror of the "middle passage" of slavery times a modern setting?

23. In appealing indirectly for more understanding with regard to bad treatment of Eastern Caribbean peoples by Virgin Islanders and other "insiders" the author uses words like "pattern", "web", "cycle". What do these words tell us about ourselves?

24. How would you highlight the irony of Haitians being the last to be invited to the supper table? Were you making the argument for a privileged place for Haiti at the supper table, what would you say concerning the country's significance?

PART II QUESTIONS:

1. According to the author, when did the term "native" take on racist overtones?

2. In what areas of our culture are our island traditions seen as engaged in cross-pollination and interfacing?

3. How does author Lewis Browne highlight an earlier period and earlier conditions in our cultural history when ethnic differences had little importance?

4. How does the author use West Indian dance to suggest the need for caution in approaching ethnographic differences in contemporary Virgin Islands society?

5. How are Trinidad and Jamaica seen as contributing to the Virgin Islands cultural potpourri?

5. What religious movement is obeah here associated with in this essay and in what circumstances is it practiced, as suggested here?

6. Why is it that our language does not bind us, as Lewis Browne sees it?

7. Where and under what circumstance did multilingual contacts among Africans take place?

8. What linkage is being hinted at between cultural attributes or activities and cultural survivals when the author mentions the Hispanic and French communities of the Virgin Islands in the same paragraph?

9. Are these activities and attributes consistent with the contents of the articles on these two ethnic groups included in the present volume?

10. What example is offered here of ethnic strife within the Virgin Islands?

11. The decision by at least one country to return to the fold as a colony is depicted here as a mixed bag. Explain this perception!

12. The author speaks of a vicarious cycle having to do with Virgin Islands identity and self-determination. What are the forces in dynamic tension that create the this "vicarious cycle?"

13. The year 1969 is viewed by the author as one which a series of events took place impacting on questions of political status in the region. Are you able to cite three of these and summarize their outcome or their importance to the present status of the islands in question?

14. What characteristic of today's Virgin Islands population is underscored in the author's final words, and to what use should we put this feature, according to her?

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